Tyler Green
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Archive for the ‘Review’ Category

Ten thoughts on the new St. Louis Chipperfield

The Saint Louis Art Museum opens its new David Chipperfield-designed wing next month. The addition provides the museum with 30 percent more gallery space than it has now, 21 new galleries in all, including new galleries for special exhibitions. (The museum’s former special exhibitions space has been converted into European painting, sculpture and works on paper galleries.)

With the exception of one antiquities gallery that serves as one of the bridges from SLAM’s 1904 Cass Gilbert masterpiece into the Chipperfield, all of the new art spaces have been installed with modern and contemporary art. Construction of the new wing cost $130 million. As part of the campaign for the building, the museum raised $32 million for its endowment, raising its endowment total to $127 million. (The museum’s most significant source of funding is Saint Louis city and county taxpayers, who fund the museum through a regional property tax.)

So how is it? I previewed the building and the installations last week. Some thoughts (with one nota bene: over the years I’ve noticed that links to SLAM’s collection are notably fugitive, so here’s hoping…):

1.) Viewed from almost anywhere in Forest Park, the grand city park in which the museum is sited, the building is decidedly unobtrusive and low-profile. Heck, from many popular parts of the park, such as the Grand Basin or along Lagoon Drive, it’s invisible.  The building is almost as unnoticeable when you’re standing right in front of it. That’s the right design decision: The front and rear exterior facades of Gilbert’s original building (below left) are among his best work, and among the most awesome museum facades in America. Nothing Chipperfield could have done could have successfully competed with them. So he didn’t. (Forest Park factoid: It’s 50 percent bigger than New York’s Central Park.)

2.) Visitors may enter the museum the traditional way, through the Gilbert, or in two new ways: Through a just-built parking garage under the Chipperfield addition or through the front door of the Chipperfield. The museum expects the three entrances to receive roughly equal use. Visitors entering the Chipperfield will see a modest, low-slung desk which will provide information and ticketing for special exhibitions. The museum’s opening exhibition is of German contemporary art from the museum’s outstanding collection (SLAM is second only to MoMA in the U.S. in collecting German contemporary). SLAM is a free museum, by opening with an exhibition from its own collection, even the special exhibition galleries will be free. Upon entering the Chipperfield visitors will immediately see art: If they come up a set of stairs from the parking garage, they’ll be greeted by this Georg Baselitz. Visitors entering from the park will be greeted by an El Anatsui on the right and a David Smith and a Richard Diebenkorn on the left.

3.) What visitors will not see is a football-field-sized party-rentals space anywhere in the Chipperfield. SLAM has bucked — and hopefully begun the end of — the trend of museums expanding in part to build massive voids that they may lease out for events. (Spaces for this purpose at the Art Institute of Chicago and at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond damaged those expansions by cleaving the new galleries from the long-time galleries, that is,  from the whole of the museum. Cleveland has done it too, but I haven’t seen that one yet.) St. Louis deserves significant credit for prioritizing the experience of art over party-rentals.

4.) The museum’s new galleries are exceptional and vary widely in size. There is no obvious route through them. The architectural detailing is impressive (I’m not sure I found a single spot where the floating walls in the gallery ever touched the ground) and the light is terrific. Forest Park is visible from many places in the galleries, peek-a-boos that recall the way Yoshio Taniguchi let New York into his building for the Museum of Modern Art. The light in the collection galleries is filtered through square concrete vaults, which soften it and which seem to spread it evenly throughout spaces. Sound-dampening material, embedded in the gallery walls, leaves the spaces unusually (and blissfully) quiet.

5.) The high quality of Saint Louis’ collection of modern art is well-known, but because of a lack of significant space for contemporary art, those holdings are less well-known. The new wing will change that. The museum has stuffed all 21 galleries with contemporary art (a couple of galleries feature pre-Vietnam art from Mark Rothko, Jackson Pollock, Franz Kline and the like). [Image: Jackson Pollock, Number 3, 1950, 1950.]

6.) Starting with the first painting in the contemporary collection galleries, this terrific 2006 Julie Mehretu (below), the initial installation is chock full of great art. Listing particularly strong works would require a near-recitation of the entire hang, but my favorite moments included seeing this substantial Richard Long in natural light, arguably the first great large Frank Stella, a wonderful sight-line from a wonderful Sam Francis to this 1994 Christopher Wool, a two-Philip Guston wall that provides a rare opportunity to compare a black-and-white abstraction to a colorful one, And I loved seeing this Jane Fonda painting by the underrated Mel Ramos.

7.) And the Germans! As I noted above, SLAM is opening the Chipperfield with its seven special exhibition galleries hung with highlights from its collection of contemporary German art, from Polke to Beuys to Bechers to von Heyl. The installation includes what might be the two best Richters in America, Betty and the 1989  November, December, January triptych, which may be Richter’s most significant squeegee paintings. (Chicago might have a case to make.) The museum has particularly strong examples of Penck, Baselitz, Kiefer and Lüpertz. [Image: Julie Mehretu, Grey Space (distractor), 2006.]

8.) As in any initial installation, there are a few missteps: Numerous artworks that should be placed on the gallery floor, such as a Larry Bell and this Anne Truitt, are sited on platforms. Seeing a sassy Duane Hanson removed from the gallery floor is to not see a Duane Hanson at all. The museum’s intent is obviously to protect the artworks, but the result neuters the art and defies the artists’ intents. For example, at six feet tall, the Truitt is scaled to the human body. Putting it on a plinth destroys that relationship, and with it much of the power of the work. In another gallery, curators effectively bisected this 1969 Donald Judd by installing it on top of a long floor vent.

9.) One artwork should generate headlines and buzz: SLAM has installed Richard Serra’s fragile masterpiece 1968 untitled cast rubber sculpture. It is an enormously powerful piece, a mixture of power and delicacy in orange.  (It is one of the many, many great Serras in St. Louis, America’s best city for Serra.) The rest of the artworks in the gallery — including strong work by Lynda Benglis and Bruce Nauman — are rendered invisible by its gravity. I believe that the piece has only been installed one other time since the early 1970s, in 2003.

9a.) Interesting: A wall-sized Leonardo Drew, installed in the gallery next to the Serra and visible from a sightline that includes the Serra, stands up to it pretty well. [Image: Gerhard Richter, Betty, 1988.]

10.) Part of the success of curators Simon Kelly and Tricia Paik’s initial installation is that it suggests that SLAM under-built. On opening day, the Chipperfield will be stuffed to bursting with SLAM’s collection, and in a few months one-third of these galleries will be given over to special exhibitions. With the exception of a couple of weak Kenneth Nolands (they droop in the presence of marvelous the Ellsworth Kelly, Stella, Morris Louis and Judd with which they share a gallery) and an inert Helen Frankenthaler, there’s no filler here. In a few months, about one-third of this art will move into storage. (And, of course, the museum continues to collect.)

I don’t know if SLAM suffered from a failure of imagination, timidity or from something else. Certainly credit the museum for building within its means and for raising what seems to be enough new endowment (and adding a new revenue generator: the garage) to cover increased operating costs.

But still: While what’s here is very good, it seems a step rather than a culmination. The museum’s fundraising goal was a relatively modest $145 million. It raised $160 million. (Kansas City, a metropolitan area smaller and significantly less wealthy than Saint Louis, raised $370 million in its last capital campaign.) Ironically, the initial installation of the Chipperfield is of such high quality that it argues SLAM should have been significantly more ambitious. Hopefully the new building and the great art within it will motivate the museum in that direction.

George Bellows at the National Gallery of Art

George Bellows was not a great artist. He was, for a brief period, a very good artist, an accomplished painter of difficult, turbulent, turn-of-the-century New York City, a daring stylist who repeatedly found subjects that matched his free paint-handling and swift brush. Thereafter, he was often an interesting illustrator who painted lifeless canvases best forgotten. [Image: George Bellows, Stag at Sharkey's, 1909. Collection of the Cleveland Museum of Art.]

Both Bellowses are in evidence in curator Charles Brock’s thick National Gallery of Art retrospective, the third devoted to the artist since 1979. It is on view through October 8. The exhibition is, if anything, too faithful to the range of Bellows’ output, preferring encyclopedic breadth to focused examination. The result is a kind of twinbill: Four-and-a-half densely installed galleries of very good Bellowses: boxers, boy-bathers, the celebration of the urban and the proletariat, followed by a roughly equal number of galleries of wince-worthy regression featuring maudlin landscapes, saccharine pictures of the wealthy at play, lifeless portraits, war propaganda and, finally, a late Bellows boxing picture so inert that it mostly reminds us how much better the early boxing paintings were. But perhaps any Bellows retrospective must be a mixed bag.

George Bellows, athletic son of a well-to-do Ohio builder, arrived in New York City in 1904 as a  22-year-old illustrator, a starting-point that Brock smartly makes clear in the exhibition’s first gallery, which includes five drawings and four paintings. Occasionally these early New York paintings look like Bellows doing someone else: Kids, a 1906 picture of children playing around a city stoop, could be a blown-up Daumier. Several 1907 portraits in the show’s second gallery, including Little Girl in White, are Bellows doing Robert Henri, an instructor to whom Bellows gravitated once he arrived in New York.

Bellows finds his first great subject in 1906 and in 1907, when he started making paintings of naked boys cavorting around bodies of water. Begun just two years after his arrival East, these pictures show that Bellows had already discovered what he did best: Paintings of action, the busier the better, composed with a sharp, focusing triangle, loose brushstrokes and occasionally provocative presentations. Of Bellows’s Forty-two Kids (1907, collection of the Corcoran Gallery of Art, above left), at least 13 are bending in two or otherwise presenting their hindquarters to the viewer or another kid. At least half a dozen others are presented in a state of presentation or male adjustment. (Readers interested in a sophisticated historicization of Bellows’s several paintings of boys and later drawings of men should see Jonathan Katz’s excellent 2010 essay “Hide/Seek: Difference and Desire in American Portraiture,” in the catalogue for the National Portrait Gallery exhibition of the same title.)

At 25, Bellows would begin the series for which he is best known: His three 1907-1909 paintings of boxers, canvases popularized in the ensuing years by Bellows’ own lithographs. These are among the finest American paintings of the half-century. The three here are characterized by free brushstrokes that seem to match the movements and pace of the fighters. They seem all the greater today, when ultimate fighting is ascendant and boxing is in decline: Bellows’s boxers, one of whom has his leg raised, apparently for leverage, is more UFC than IBF. [Image: Bellows, Both Members of This Club, 1909. Collection of the National Gallery of Art.]

These paintings seem to have encouraged Bellows to continue to free up his brush even more. Over the next few years he would make the paintings in Brock’s next gallery: Views of New York City life, of the excavation of what would become Penn Station, of riverside promenades on stormy days and so on. The boxing paintings seem to have helped Bellows understand what a Bellows painting was: a painting of urban life that relies more on the movement of the brush across the canvas than on composition, a painting with dramatic transitions between light and dark and an emphasis on workers, on the underclass that made the city tick, grow and throb. (Like other illustrators who painted, including Hopper or Homer, Bellows could get lost on a canvas.) Most of these elements are on splended view in Rain on the River, a 1908 painting (below, left) composed from two triangles, one light, one dark, and brushy atmospherics.

And then the Armory Show. For decades art historians have noted that the 1913 exhibition has marked a break in Bellows’s work, and it’s hard to imagine the before-and-after split presented more starkly than here: Midway through the exhibition Brock has hung three of Bellows’s early society pictures opposite pictures of dock workers, snow movers and tenement life in the city. The pictures of urban grit are commanding, harshly brushy in all the best ways. In pictures from 1911 and 1912 it seems as though Bellows has finally, after eight years in New York, figured out how to effectively compose a picture without using a triangular form. Docks in Winter (1911) shows labor in the cold, with abrasive snow or sleet pounding down. As birds scurry for cover, two workers and their team of horses do work that apparently must be done. The painting is simultaneously cold and sympathetic. Nearby, a loaded-brush semi-abstraction titled Gorge and Sea (1911) offers a landscape guided by brushy touch rather than by tangible terra firma, Bellows adding not just oily texture but an apparently increased understanding that tone was more important to his work than was bright color. The artist seems to have not just figure out what made a Bellows a Bellows, but how to build on what he’d done.

Then just as quickly, it all vanished. The post-Armory paintings are confused muddles of ill-defined figures and facial features, ill-conceived compositions (Bellows has given up the triangle for the leading diagonal) and confusing color. Among the later paintings, only Riverfront No. 1 (1914), a revisiting of an earlier theme, succeeds.

Post-Armory landscapes are messy, full of colors that seem off by several shades. Portraiture subjects seem to be holding his or her breath, stiffly, as if they were afraid that if you poked them they’d deflate. (Perhaps not surprisingly, Bellows’s better mid-career portraits — such as Geraldine Lee, No. 2 (1914) – are almost Henris.) The exhibition’s catalogue features several essays that nibble at the edges of how the Armory Show may have affected Bellows for the worse, but never really tackles the question head-on. It is a missed opportunity in an otherwise thorough publication. [Image: Bellows, Lillian, 1916.]

Even as Bellows’ painting declines precipitously, he continues to make strong illustrations. Brock spotlights many of them in a gallery that provides visitors with an opportunity to compare and contrast the dynamism of Bellows’ work on paper with the increasing stasis of his paintings. A series of drawings of football players for captures the brutality of the early gridiron game, a period during which football was so violent that 19 players were fatally injured in a single year and even President Teddy Roosevelt urged that it be banned.  Drawings of the evangelical preacher Billy Sunday are full of life and energy, zest which dissolves in a flat, lifeless painting. Brock smartly hangs the painting between a related drawing and a lithograph, allowing us to see how Bellows’ inability to resolve the larger painted composition and make color work within it cause the canvas to seem comparatively lifeless.

The exhibition’s nadir is a gallery with four of Bellows’s awful paintings about World War I, paintings so bad that catalogue essayist Carol Troyen doesn’t bother trying to defend them. They are full of cartoonish, imagined scenes of dismemberment and cruelty. (Bellows never served in the military and neither saw nor experienced the Great War.) Troyen dismisses these paintings as an “ambitious yet problematic attempt to marry propaganda with the grand manner,” which is both correct and a measure kinder than they deserve. [Image: Bellows, Football, 1916. Collection of the Mead Art Museum, Amherst College.]

In fact, that gallery is so bad that it raises questions about the necessity of this, the third Bellows retrospective in the last 34 years: There is nothing new here, no elevation of the unknown or little studied, no tight focus. Instead, it is merely an exercise in ossification that confirms the Bellows of decades-held understanding. In his catalogue essay, Brock quotes historian Daniel Catton Rich writing about Bellows in 1946: “Why, with such remarkable gifts, did Bellows slowly unmistakably surrender a number of them and become a self-conscious stylist?” Sixty-five years later, that’s still a good question. Ultimately, given the NGA’s recent history as a museum intensely devoted to exhibiting the work of white American men – with one semi-exception, the NGA has not originated a solo exhibition of a female artist in nearly 20 years – why is it re-visiting well-trod ground?

The exhibition’s final painting, more or less, is Dempsey and Firpo (1924, collection of the Whitney Museum of American Art), one of Bellows’s three late boxing pictures. This one features a well-coiffed Dempsey laying Firpo out of the ring and into the first row of the crowd. At this point Bellows seems to have given himself over to being an illustrator: The dynamic movement of the first boxing series is gone, as is the loose, free, exciting paint-handling. (Indeed, the 1923 drawing for the painting  has much more verve and detail than does the canvas.) In Dempsey and Firpo, it seems as if each figure in the painting is holding a pose – and has been for quite some time. For this exhibition, it is a fitting final work.

The Barnes and the (new) purpose of art

There is no question that the art at the Barnes Foundation is great.

The Barnes is home to a remarkable collection of Cezanne  – including the best Cezanne in America. The second-best Matisse is here too. And there’s more: Jaw-dropping Seurat, Courbet, Rousseau, Demuth, Gauguin, van Gogh, Picasso, Soutine, Monet, Modigliani, African sculpture and Pennsylvania German decorative arts.

But we already know that. What was unclear before the new Barnes opened was this: Is the new Barnes, lifted against Dr. Barnes’ wishes from where it was doing just fine financially and otherwise, by latter-day Philadelphia’s one percenters, a good place to look at great art? I guess that depends on what you think art is for. [Renoir, Bather Gazing at Herself in the Water, c. 1910. Collection of the Barnes Foundation.]

First, the details: The Philly establishment’s installation of the art collection of the anti-establishmentarian Albert C. Barnes, a patent medicine mogul with a preference for French painting, is a near facsimile of the Merion galleries that Barnes himself hung. (The evident exceptions to the current crew’s mimicry of Barnes’ installation include the installation of Matisse’s Le Bonheur de vivre in an upstairs semi-alcove and some changes to the plaster-work around Matisse’s The Dance mural.)

These replica gallery spaces effectively sit inside a big, expensive-looking box designed by Tod Williams Billie Tsien Architects. The building feels more expensive than thoughtful. It includes one other exception to the Xerox approach: The galleries do not flow together in the same way that Dr. Barnes’ galleries did in Merion: Williams and Tsien have placed gaps between many of them for study centers or for short hallways with views of in-planted trees. These disjunctive intrusions seem to be crowd-control-and-flow measures. [Image: Renoir, After the Bath, 1910. Collection of the Barnes Foundation.]

The effect of this mix of mimicry and expansion is that the new Barnes emphasizes the experience of visiting A Place rather than on seeing art. That approach starts from the moment you enter the Barnes property, which was once the home of Philadelphia’s youth detention center, the former host to such notables as artist Zoe Strauss. Williams and Tsien, apparently with some help from landscape architect Laurie Olin, have created a self-consciously theatrical entrance by which the walk from the city sidewalk to the galleries requires a dizzying number of turns: You enter the property by walking past a dreadful new Ellsworth Kelly, turn right, walk between a row of red maples, turn left, proceed over a rocky moat and into the building, turn, face the entrance desk, turn, see a post-Bertoia mistake of a sculpture/chandelier designed by the architects, turn, enter a cavernous atrium, turn, walk toward the galleries, through a pair of heavy, grandly ostentatious doors and into the first gallery of actual art. The Barnes’ architectural team has transformed the famed Beaux Arts staircase, which lifted visitors into the temple of culture, into a mannerist procession.

With this combination of old hang and new building, the new regime has tried to have its fake and bleed it too (admission is $18). Walking through the new Barnes is nothing short of a Twilight Zone-like experience, a weird bit of time travel during which everything seems just a little bit wrong: The garden isn’t quite what it was or where it was, the natural light is a bit off, the flow from gallery-to-gallery is different, and so on. By putting real art in a knock-off setting, the Barnes has cheapened the experience of great art. The Philly Barnes is slickly retrograde, Philadelphia’s power class’s belated, wincing admission that, you know, maybe, after all, there was some good in what it dismantled. [Renoir, Nude Woman Reclining, c.1917-19. Collection of the Barnes Foundation.]

The stage-managing of the art feels ridiculous, even kitschy. The fetishized mimicry of the Merion presentation reminds me of the way every Abercrombie or American Eagle store feels about the same in every shopping mall from Minnesota to Mississippi. For Big Retail, it is the brand that matters most. Here, too… because the new museum isn’t about the art, it’s about drawing tourists to the Barnes Foundation brand.

That’s too bad. Once the keepers of the Barnes found a way to pry the art away from its founder’s John Dewey-influenced vision of art-plus-installation-plus gardens-plus-education-program, a unified field,  they should have devoted themselves to a smart, respectful, thoughtful and new presentation of great art, a place in which the art was The Thing. Instead, they have placed the emphasis not on the art, but on a Thomas Kinkadeian reminder of how it used to be-ish. Think of the team that brought you the new Barnes as the Administrators of Light. [Renoir, Nude from the Back, 1917. Collection of the Barnes Foundation.]

(Alas: While the Barnes has touted its lighting system has a vast improvement over Merion; it is not. The upstairs galleries are substantially lit by natural light from these rectangular ceiling-vaults, with the result that art in the corners of the galleries is in the dark, as it was in Merion. Furthermore, the light from those vaults extends only about a third of the way down the walls, leaving the lower two-thirds (where the art is!) less lit than the empty upper walls. Fortunately the lighting in the ground-floor galleries is better, but it’s still not at the level you’d expect from a top art museum. )

The Barnes’ decision to lean on its quirky past rather than the greatness of its art is the biggest problem with the new place: The Barnes was moved and re-built to be a tourist magnet that might boost the sagging economic fortunes of its city rather than to be a place where art lovers can enjoy and experience art. (Its companion tourist-magnet, an Alexander Calder museum, never made it out of the planning process.) As if to underscore the point, the Barnes has has priced itself just about on par with its tourist-destination peers, museums such as MoMA and SFMOMA: $56 for a family of four, plus another $15 for parking. At last week’s public unveiling of the Barnes, it sounded like some public-relations professional had begged every speaker to emphasize how the new Barnes was newly accessible to the people of Philadelphia. That’s snake oil. Civic-minded institutions such as the fantastic art museums in St. Louis, Kansas City, Cleveland, Indianapolis and beyond are free to the public. Even though 25 percent of the cost of the Barnes move was paid for by Pennsylvania taxpayers, the Barnes is not offering regular free or low-cost access to the very people who paid for it, to those it claims to most want to serve. [Renoir, Bather in Three-Quarter View, 1911. Collection of the Barnes Foundation.]

Ultimately, the new Barnes Foundation is a victory for those who think that great art’s primary purpose is ancillary or supplemental, that art is a resource that should be exploited to fuel business, development and tourism. For most of America’s history, going back to the establishment of America’s first great civic museums in New York, Boston and St. Louis, we believed that art should be shown, studied and celebrated because we have a lot to learn from our shared cultural history. That was the right and honorable idea, and it’s increasingly being abandoned. [Below: Renoir, Nude Study, Bust of a Woman, c. 1910. Collection of the Barnes Foundation.]

The new Barnes is part of an accelerating trend: Over the last generation, governments, private funders, philanthropies and administrators have increasingly pushed art and art collections out of contexts in which access to aesthetics, history and cultural knowledge are primary and into ‘civic service’ as rainmakers for tourism or development. There has been little concurrent examination — least of all in Philadelphia — of how or if art should be made most accessible. Instead the question has been how to use art to serve other goals. That’s how we got the new Barnes. That’s how we got the $25 art museum admission fee. That’s how we got art museums renting their art to Las Vegas casinos. And that’s how great art is becoming a hobby for the leisure class, something available to an increasingly narrower socioeconomic band of Americans, an enterprise in which dollars matter more than ideas, engagement or discourse. The biggest success of the new Barnes is that it draws those lines more starkly than any other museum in America.

Doug Aitken’s “SONG1″ at the Hirshhorn

The best way to experience Doug Aitken’s SONG1, the video spectacle projected around the entire Gordon Bunshaft-designed Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden from sunset to midnight each evening through May 13, is to walk around it. I’ve watched SONG1 from the Calder, from the Koons, the Munoz, the (terrific) Snelson and from behind the Oldenburg. I’ve watched it with a couple dozen people from across Independence Avenue and across Seventh Street. I’ve stood inside Bunshaft’s hollow hockey puck and watched other people watching SONG1. Experiencing the perimeter of the Hirshhorn and the sculpture around it in a new way at a new time (at night!) is a lot of fun.

But the mini-thrill of spectacle  is where the joy ends: The Hirshhorn staging of Aitken’s SONG1 is a major presentation of a minor artwork. Aitken’s achievement here is technical: He uses eleven HD projectors to blanket darn close to every inch of the Bunshaft’s exterior with light. The bottom of the film lines up with the bottom of the rounded section of the building. The top lines up with the top. Speakers pipe sound into a broad area around the museum. In terms of the technical achievement, it’s thoroughly wow-level.

However, the content of the artwork itself is inert, even dull. SONG1 is little more than a slick music video for the 1934 jazz-and-pop standard “I Only Have Eyes For You.” It turns out that once given some of the nation’s most prominent real estate, Aitken had little to say. (The museum itself seems somewhat aware of this: Promotional material for the artwork on the Hirshhorn’s website focuses on technical achievement.)

SONG1 traffics in seemingly every small-screen cliche available: Dramatically-lit man lights snaps his fingers to the beat of a song. An old-fashion reel-to-reel tape player rolls. (Instant nostalgia!) Clips of dancers doing their thing against dramatic lighting are juxtaposed with video of a freeway at night. Here, as so often in SONG1, the first thought is of a short-form television genre, in this case a soda commercial.

In a perverse way, it’s impressive that Aitken could fall into virtually every trap that a commission such as this offers: Rely on scale rather than ideas? Check. Aitken is often content to rely upon tired metaphors such as lit matches = fires of passion! or attractive young people driving at night = moody! Use familiar faces instead of conceptual heft to get an artwork over? Check. SONG1 features abundant cameos of hipster-loved semi-stars as Tilda Swinton and Devendra Banhart, and the audio that accompanies the visual was recorded by dozens of singers, including Beck, No Age and Lucky Dragons.

That’s too bad, because while Aitken is inconsistent, he has demonstrated the ability to meld accessible spectacle with thoughtfulness. His migration (2008), which debuted as a projection at the 2008 Carnegie International in Pittsburgh, is a smart, entertaining consideration of the consequences of the expansion of humans into animal habitat and the impact of our lifestyles on nature. Or it’s a children’s story. Or an updating of Henri Rousseau. Or all of it. None of that is here.

While SONG1 is a dud, the Hirshhorn deserves credit for swinging for the fences. (See, I can do it too!) Using the facade of its chilly Bunshaft is a good idea, one that that Hirshhorn has tried in less ambitious ways in the past. (The work of Felix Gonzalez-Torres,  Jim Hodges and Krzysztof Wodiczko has been installed on the Independence Ave.-facing part of the building’s exterior.)

Better yet, SONG1 gives Washingtonians hope that the Hirshhorn is back. In recent years the museum has degenerated into one of the least interesting, least productive of America’s major contemporary art museums. It hasn’t produced a major, scholarship-contributing exhibition since 2010. The permanent collection galleries often look tired, like dusty afterthoughts. (Example: A particularly weird, ongoing permanent collection installation is built around the simplistic idea that some art the museum owns is black.) SONG1 may fall flat, but here’s hoping it’s a sign that the Hirshhorn is coming back to life.

Related: All three images here are via Flickr user joevare, who has the best set of Creative Commons-accessible SONG1 images I’ve seen. Aitken’s studio has posted excerpts of SONG1 on YouTube.

Doug Wheeler’s ‘infinity environment’ at Zwirner

Walking into Doug Wheeler’s new “infinity environment” at Chelsea’s David Zwirner gallery is like walking into a cloud of milk. Nothing in the installation is visible, concrete or certain. It is suggestion and experience as art: A suggestion of a physical space on which the viewer is completely unable to focus and an experience of a day-like cycle of light, 32 minutes during which Wheeler uses an array of instruments to play Helios, to create and deliver sunrise, high noon, sunset, inky nighttime and then sunrise again.

The installation, titled SA MI 75 DZ NY 12, is on view at Zwirner through Saturday. Lines to see the installation have rarely been shorter than an hour long. (Art in America’s Brian Boucher recently wrote about waiting four  hours to see it.)

An ‘infinity environment’ — the phrase seems to be Wheeler’s, but on this week’s Modern Art Notes Podcast he said he’s no longer sure it’s a good one — is a space that Wheeler has altered to eliminate any corners or places where light has an opportunity to sit uncontrolled by the artist. It’s hard to tell, but I think the Zwirner space is a rectangular room that opens into a blob-shaped room that may or may not be symmetrical. Just above and to the sides of the entrance to the apparently blob-shaped room, Wheeler has installed the (apparently) timed lighting devices that create the sensation — facsimile? — of one day’s light.

This is Wheeler’s fourth ‘infinity environment.’ According to Zwirner, Wheeler made the first one in 1975 at Milan’s Salvatore Ala Gallery. That piece was acquired by Italian businessman Count Giuseppe Panza di Biumo and is now in the Guggenheim’s collection. Eight years later he made another for an installation for a 1983 exhibition at MOCA, and in 2000 Wheeler installed his largest ‘infinity environment’ at the Guggenheim Bilbao.

I entered Wheeler’s space — where the visitor is standing in the JPEG at right — at about ‘mid-morning.’ The ‘day’ was still becoming bright. As I stared straight ahead, I saw pinks and purples. When I moved my head, I continued to see those colors. Every time I blinked, I saw a black dot near the center of my vision.

After some time, I’m not sure how long, the installation became brighter. I could feel my iris contracting my pupil in response to the increasing intensity of the light. As the installation became brighter still, I thought I could see a tree in shadow in front of me, its leaves waving in the breeze and then a bird taking off. None of this was really there (right?), it was just the intensity and perhaps the heat of the light playing tricks on my eyes.

Brighter. I realized I was squinting. A moment later I was squinting so hard that my eyes were tearing. Within a few minutes I discovered that the brightness of the light was giving me a shattering headache. I realized how disorienting Wheeler’s environment is: I had lost all knowledge of time, of how long I’d been in the environment. I had no sense of up, down, left or right. If I’d turned around, 180 degrees, I could have instantly sited myself. Unless, unsure of my bearings, I had fallen down while turning. (At about this point I remembered that in 1980 someone fell down in a James Turrell environment at the Whitney, was injured, and later sued the museum.)

After a few minutes I could feel my pupils beginning to expand again. The brightest part of “the day” had passed, “nightfall” lay ahead. As the brightness receded, I thought I might recapture a sense of space, of grounding, of tangibility, but I did not. I remained inside the installation throughout the darkness. I saw yellows and peaches each time I blinked. Soon the dark gave way to the child of  morning, a dawn less rosy-fingered than it was a tangible sensation of light melting onto my corneas. When the brightest part of the day returned, just after I’d been in the environment for a full cycle, I stepped out. Upon sitting down with my notebook a couple of minutes later, the first thing I wrote was: “One of the greatest experiences ever. Feel privileged to have been in it.”

These ‘infinity environments’ are quintessential light-and-space masterpieces. They make us aware of light, unaware of space and unsure our sixth sense, perception. It seems like they should be the conclusion of the light-and-space experiment: They seem informed by or at least in conversation with Robert Irwin’s tendency to make us unsure of the space around us, Larry Bell’s ability to make us unsure if what we’re looking at is real and tangible or not, and James Turrell’s experiments with color. They’re controlling in a way similar to Eric Orr’s installations such as Zero Mass (1972-73), which requires the viewer to walk into a paper-made womb-like structure and to allow her eyes to adjust to the low light level.  (I read and hear that Maria Nordmans operate in a similar way, but I’ve never been in one. Nordman declined to be included in various Pacific Standard Time-related exhibitions because she does not participate in group exhibitions.) Instead the ‘infinity environments’ seem to open up the possibility of greater artistic control over space, light and perception, possibilities later explored by artists such as Yayoi Kusama, Anthony McCall and Erwin Redl.

One of my tests for the greatness of art is whether it rewards a sustained gaze, whether it gives me new reasons to spend time with it, whether I find new joys with continued viewing. Wheeler’s newest ‘infinity environment’ passes those tests in an unusual way: It rewards our gaze by transforming looking into a physical experience.

Related: Doug Wheeler is this week’s guest on The Modern Art Notes Podcast. My understanding is that it’s just his third one-on-one interview. Click here to download the mp3, here to subscribe to the program via iTunes and here to subscribe via RSS.

On the occasion of the Hirshhorn’s acquisition of a major Wheeler in 2008, Wheeler and I sat down for his first-ever interview. Here’s the introduction, part one, part two, part three and part four.

[All images in this post: Doug Wheeler, SA MI 75 DZ NY 12 1975/2012. Reinforced fiberglass, LED lights, high intensity fluorescent lights, UV fluorescent lights, quartz halogen lights, DMX control. Architecturally modified space, composed of two parts. 564 x 702 inches (total space) 1432.6 x 1783.1 cm. By  Tim Nighswander/IMAGING4ART, courtesy of David Zwirner, New York.]

NGA’s new 19thC (and beyond) French galleries

The mostly-19th-century French galleries in the National Gallery of Art’s John Russell Pope-designed West Building re-opened late last month after a two-year renovation. Visitors will notice nothing different about the spaces themselves — the NGA has been undergoing building maintenance and systems upgrades in the West Building for 14 years — but the installation of the art itself is newly considered. This provides an opportunity to see a few new paintings — such as the Gustave Courbet seascape The Black Rocks at Trouville [below left], acquired last year — and to see a new curatorial take on the NGA’s French collection, one of the four or five best in America.

Strangely, the NGA has billed the old-made-new galleries as the museum’s “impressionism and post-impressionism” spaces, but that’s not quite correct: The 14 galleries open with the Barbizon school and continue through Matisse, Picasso and paintings from as late as the 1920s. The installation was overseen by Mary Morton, the NGA’s head of French paintings. She came to the NGA from the J. Paul Getty Museum in 2009. Accordingly, this is her first chance to present the collection.

Morton’s installation is uneven. She has allowed many of the strengths of the museum’s collection to shine — Monets everywhere! — and she has created some interesting interplay between artworks. But she has also installed puzzling groupings in some of the museum’s galleries and she has omitted both key historical developments in art as well as major artists.

Among the highlights are galleries devoted entirely to Paul Cezanne and Claude Monet. The NGA doesn’t have a trademark Cezanne the way MoMA or the Barnes Foundation does, but just over half of its 23 Cezanne canvases are on view, headlined by this late still-life. (The NGA’s best Cezannes may be watercolors. Works on paper are generally not included in Morton’s installation.)

It’s good to see Morton give Eugene-Louis Boudin, the most underrated early impressionist, prime play among Monet, Constable and Courbet in what might be called an ‘early impressionist landscape’ gallery. Coming after a dull, Corot-and-Co. gallery of Barbizon landscapes, Morton’s presentation of Courbet-and-after reminds us what a revolution the impressionists started, how their technique and their interest in modern life was wholly unlike what came before. Though small, the three Boudins command the space. Boudin’s prominence reflects an NGA collection strength: Boudin was a favorite of the Mellons, the NGA’s founding family, and accordingly the NGA has over 20 Boudin paintings and a couple dozen drawings.

Morton’s best hang is a particularly strong gallery of the 1860s, in which Manet’s The Tragic Actor, in the center of one wall, seems to be staring, even glaring, directly at The Dead Toreador. The presentation highlights the theatricality of both paintings and brings the NGA’s ultra-reserved space to life.

Another smart gallery titled ‘Manet and Modern Paris’ includes (with one exception) paintings made in and around Paris after Napoleon III and Baron Georges Eugene Haussmann re-engineered the city between 1853 and 1870. The NGA is surprisingly light on impressionism that shows the expansion of French industry, so this is about as close to high-impressionism-meets-modernity as the museum can do.

And Morton does it well: She shows us the Haussmann-ization of Paris as portrayed by Pissarro (twice), Renoir (twice, thanks to a loan from the Norton Simon), and how Paris was a playground for the emergent upper-middle class. Lest we forget Paris’s economic surge left people behind, Manet gave us a great painting of the urban poor, The Old Musician, one of the greatest paintings of an urban under-class since Caravaggio made dirty feet as realistic as could be. (Was the family shown here displaced by Haussmann’s zeal?)

This gallery also includes one of Manet’s most famed masterpieces The Railway [image at top left], a painting of a woman and child at Paris’s busiest train station, The Gare Saint-Lazare. The view out of the gallery, from The Old Musician to a gallery on the other side of the NGA West Building’s central corridor is especially clever: The old musician can’t see Jacques-Louis David’s exquisite, extravagant portrait of Napoleon, Napoloen III’s uncle, but the tension between the wealthy ruling family and the poor, possibly displaced peasants is striking. Similarly, in the next hallway-facing gallery over, Monet landscapes look out at a brushy, sketchy, late Constable landscape, The White Horse. The art historical dialogue that Morton and Pope’s architecture has created is an Easter egg hiding in plain sight.

But the new installation doesn’t always flow this smoothly. Why is a gallery in which Vincent van Gogh and Paul Gauguin thrillingly face each other from opposite walls interrupted by half a dozen Degases? A natural threesome they are not. Why is a Degas ‘dancer’ sculpture in between the van Goghs and the Gauguins? The NGA has more than enough great van Gogh and Gauguin — and Degas too — to devote an entire gallery to each should it choose to. (More on that in a minute.) [Image: Gauguin, Self-Portrait, 1889.]

Then there’s what Morton leaves out: Even though the NGA’s collection includes strong examples of both Pierre Bonnard and Edouard Vuillard, Bonnard is completely left out of the NGA’s headline hang, and Vuillard is represented by just one painting: A 1912 portrait,  one of the less interesting Vuillards in the museum’s collection. Better Vuillard and all Bonnards are instead shunted to a series of claustrophobic galleries on the ground floor of the East Building. Those rooms, long an afterthought and titled “Small French Paintings,” have been in need of a re-conceptualization for years. (No sign of that in sight, alas: As the NGA puts it in an inadvertently hilarious press release, “The works in these rooms [in the East Building] have also been part of reconsidering the 19th-century French collection in the West Building.” Uh-huh.)

The split between the East and West spaces — actually three spaces if you count some 19thC French galleries on the west side of the ground floor of the West Building, a nearly block-long trek from the principal French galleries — serves as a reminder of the NGA’s ongoing and un-addressed space problem. The NGA’s peer institutions have all added hundreds of thousands of square feet since the NGA last expanded in 1978. The museum’s collection has grown substantially in those 31 years and the museum’s collections of French art, American art, photography, works-on-paper and modern-and-contemporary art are severely underserved. The awkward van Gogh-Gaugin-Degas gallery serves as a reminder of the museum’s long-standing failure to address its space issues.

While two of France’s greatest fin-de-siecle artists are left out and while Degas is only awkwardly included, Morton has made room for lesser lights such as gaudy Orientalist Jean Joseph Benjamin Constant and wincing romanticist Swiss painter Arnold Bocklin. The symbolist gallery that includes the Bocklin is so treacly that it makes this Felix Vallotton look significant. [Image: Constant, The Favorite of the Emir, c. 1879.]

(Also missing is work from artists who worked around Pont Aven in Brittany, such as Emile Bernard and Paul Serusier. To be sure, there’s nothing Morton could do about this one: The NGA’s lone Serusier painting is second-rate and the museum does not have a Bernard.)

Stranger still: In a gallery built around an Orientalist theme, Morton includes a tempting 1917 Modigliani nude and two mid-1920s, Nice-period Matisses. In another themed gallery, titled “Bohemian Paris,” we get Picassos from 1901, 1905 and 1923. Not only has Morton skipped past Bonnard, Vuillard, the Nabis and the Pont Aven painters, she’s sped by cubism,  fauvism and even dada. There are no paintings here from any of those movements.

This historical disconnect may be due to the NGA’s curatorial-department silos. The NGA has a department of modern and contemporary art. “Its” galleries are in the NGA’s East Building. Perhaps cubism, fauvism and other 20th-century avant garde movements “belong” to modern-and-contemporary, whereas Nice-era Matisse does not, for whatever reason. Ultimately, that’s pretty thin and requires a visitor to think way too much about the NGA’s organizational chart. If the NGA’s French galleries are going to push past World War I and into the 1920s, it’s inconceivable that they fail to include the 1900s, 1910s and the rise of Dada during The Great War. [Image: Chaim Soutine, Portrait of a Boy, 1928.]

And maybe, in the future, they will. One of the pleasure of collection galleries is — or should be — that they are spaces with which curators can tinker and experiment at any time. Maybe the West Building galleries will end up going into the 1920s with some degree of thoroughness, maybe what’s there now is just a first-take. Here’s hoping Morton takes full advantage of the NGA’s strong collection of French art, and that she keeps what have traditionally been sleepy, static spaces alive with new installations.

A “Phenomenal” survey at MCASD

It turns out that light-and-space, the mostly made-in-California art of the post-abstract expressionism era, was misnamed. A survey of the work, on view now at the Museum of Contemporary Art San Diego and titled “Phenomenal: California Light, Space, Surface,” suggests that the movement should probably be known as ‘light-space-and-effect’ or ‘light-space-and-perception.’

The show, which reveals the depth and wow-factor of the ocular confusion created by artists out of light, space, often a range of plastics and sometimes a few other materials too, is a thrilling triumph. The show so striking that it’s hard to believe that in the 40-plus years since light-and-space emerged that no museum has previously surveyed the period. “Phenomenal” establishes that light-and-space isn’t a quirky side-alley of minimalism or anything else. It’s one of the 20th-century’s most important independent art movements.

However, “Phenomenal” also leaves plenty of curatorial and art historical work to be done: It doesn’t aspire to chronicle the complete arc of light-and-space, instead “Phenomenal” is a greatest hits-style survey. Given the amount of square-footage required by many light-and-space works, this was probably MCASD’s best option. Questions about how light-and-space emerged and then developed are left to two books: The excellent exhibition catalogue and “Pacific Standard Time,” a Getty publication that details the story of art in Los Angeles between 1945 and 1980. (And, hopefully, to future exhibitions.)

The scholars who contributed to each volume tend to agree that light-and-space had its origins in painting, particularly in experiments begun in the late 1950s by Larry Bell, Robert Irwin and Doug Wheeler, each of whom would abandon canvas to become light-and-spacers. (In her catalogue essay, exhibition co-curator Robin Clark notes that many of these early works have since been destroyed. Separately, Los Angeles Times art critic Christopher Knight has convincingly referenced the paintings of John McLaughlin as a key precedent.) The research Clark, Dawna Schuld, Stephanie Hanor and Michael Auping contribute to the catalogue highlights painting, 1950s architecture and craft as important to the development of light-and-space, effectively serving as a rejoinder to historians and critics who have presented it as a response to New York minimalism.

But really, that light-and-space art has origins substantially independent of New York minimalism shouldn’t be a surprise: The two ‘movements’ have little  in common. At the heart of minimalism was a rigorous and intense belief in the object: Donald Judd was fascinated by seriality, classical mathematics and machined perfection. Carl Andre’s subject was the re-contextualization of sculpture, which necessitated dealing with — and even standing on — an object. Anne Truitt insisted that her sculptures be placed directly on the gallery floor, so a viewer could experience the object in relationship to the body. In nearly every gallery of “Phenomenal” it’s clear that objecthood is less important than — and often eliminated in favor of — perception-challenging effect.

The widespread (but hardly unanimous) light-and-space preference for phenomenon over objecthood is ultimately ironic considering the amount of space the exhibition takes up, and indeed requires. MCASD has installed “Phenomenal” in all three of its venues: Two sites in downtown San Diego and one in suburban La Jolla, a 20-minute drive north. The three sites could not be more different: Downtown, MCASD occupies a former train station baggage depot and the bottom couple floors of an office building. In La Jolla its home is a 1916 Irving Gill-designed residence that was re-designed by Venturi, Scott Brown & Associates in 1996. No matter: Despite enormous differences in venues, each presentation is thoughtful and as detail-oriented as installations of light-and-space art require. (More on this in a minute.)

For example, the Irwins and Craig Kauffmans installed at the museum’s non-train-station downtown location are installed without artificial light. Typically museums install Irwin discs spotlit from below and with resulting shadows projected on a wall behind them. The absence of artificial light leaves Irwin’s disc — and an Irwin painting installed nearby — hovering in the milky evanescence. This installation is more than aesthetic fetishness, it’s a specific argument about the development of light-and-space, about how one of the key achievements of the movement was the dematerialization of the object, a preference for experience or phenomenon over objecthood. Irwin’s unlighted disc seems to nearly vanish, underscoring the artist’s own journey from a painter to a maker of environments in which the object dissolves.

The rest of the exhibition seems to proceed from this installation of Irwin’s untitled 1969 disc: Kauffman’s plastic constructions, both hanging from above and wall-mounted, shimmer in the natural light. (In a conventionally lit gallery they tend to reflect direct light, which lessens their impact.) An Irwin scrim piece, which extends for at least a dozen yards across one gallery, seems to hide in plain sight. When I realized it was there, I felt as if it had, well, snuck up on me, a phenomenal special effect.

Across the street at the former Santa Fe depot baggage building, an untitled, mirrored Bell sculpture from ca. 1970 left me unsure if I was looking at it or through it, to whatever lay beyond. Only when I saw myself reflected in the parts of the surface that were mirrored was my brain able to resolve the riddle. DW 68 VEN MCASD 11 (1968/2011), a giant Wheeler environment in a warehouse-sized room, is sumptuously installed. I felt like I was walking into a giant, white Mark Rothko painting, or like I was approaching some kind of northern heaven. Like the Bell, the Wheeler and many other works in “Phenomenal,” James Turrell’s Stuck Red (1970) and Stuck Blue (1970) tweaks the modernist obsession with flatness and depth or perspective by creating immersive installations in which the viewer doesn’t see the tension between flatness and perspective, but rather experiences it. Throughout the exhibition I kept feeling my eyes zoom in on an object and zoom back out, trying to settle on or solve what was in front of me.

At MCASD’s La Jolla venue, a fuller range of these effects are on display. Bruce Nauman’s Green Light Corridor (1970), a 40-foot-long, foot-wide corridor lit with fluorescent green requires a viewer to shimmy through it in order to realize its wow: When a visitor emerges from the piece, the cones in his eyes are so scarred that the world looks magenta. (Knight discussed the piece on The Modern Art Notes Podcast here.) May 5, 1971 (1971), an installation of six cast polyester resin bars by Peter Alexander, seems to hover off the wall on which its installed, to vibrate in place, confusing my eyes and brain with optical effect in a manner reminiscent of the Turrells downtown. De Wain Valentine’s Diamond Column (1978) seems traditionally totemic, but it’s visually slippery and seems to change depending on from where it is viewed.

Part of the reason these works shine is the sensitive, intelligent installation organized by Clark and her co-curator, MCASD director Hugh Davies. Light-and-space art relies upon how it is placed in galleries and lit (or not) in order to produce the effects desired by the artists. If Clark and Davies missed on a single installation, I couldn’t find it. I suspect that one reason the exhibition looks so good is that many of the works are from MCASD’s own best-in-the-world collection of light-and-space art. The museum has installed many of these pieces before, has worked with these artists before and has acquired significant institutional knowledge about how to do it.

“Phenomenal” doesn’t have a specific ‘final gallery,’ but the space in which Irwin’s masterpiece 1° 2° 3° 4° (1997) comes closest. The piece is a site specific installation Irwin created for an MCASD La Jolla room that looks over the beach, some palm trees and the Pacific Ocean. It consists of an empty gallery and apertures cut into the corners of the three huge windows that create the space. The cut-outs, two of which are placed in the corners of the gallery and one of which is in the middle of the center window, radically change the viewer’s sense of space, depth and place. I’ve seen the work before and I returned to it half a dozen times during my visit to the exhibition. Each time my brain realized what my eyes were looking at, how Irwin had changed the space inside and out and melded them into one, my stomach fell to the floor as if I was on a roller-coaster. Light-and-space-and-effect indeed.

‘Richard Diebenkorn: Ocean Park’ at MAMFW

In 1966 Richard Diebenkorn left the San Francisco Bay Area, where he’d been making some of the most thoughtful, rich, figurative and representational paintings in art, to teach at UCLA. The next year he moved into a new studio in the Ocean Park neighborhood of Santa Monica and started making new paintings, paintings that were radically flat and abstract. Diebenkorn would continue to work in this manner for 20 years. These works are the subject of an exhibition “Richard Diebenkorn: The Ocean Park Series,” at the Museum of Modern Art Fort Worth. The show was co-organized by the Orange County Museum of Art.

OCMA curator Sarah C. Bancroft has included about 80 works, not just paintings but also drawings, paintings-on-paper and prints made between 1967 and 1987, when Diebenkorn worked at the intersection of Main Street and Ashland Avenue in what is now downtown Santa Monica. While Diebenkorn didn’t necessarily embrace the term ‘Ocean Park series,’ he didn’t resist the moniker too strenuously. (In part because studio and space had a significant impact on his output, Diebenkorn’s abstractions had long been semi-titled under the geography of their making, such as ‘Berkeley,’ ‘Albuquerque,’ or ‘Sausalito.’) Bancroft’s exceptional exhibition confirms our idea of Diebenkorn as the greatest painter of his period, the second-generation abex-and-forward era, and suggests that the Ocean Park paintings are the pinnacle of modern abstract art. [Image: Diebenkorn, Ocean Park #116, 1979. Collection of the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco.]

The MAMFW installation opens with a  small gouache, charcoal and ink on paper, Untitled (View from Studio, Ocean Park) from 1969. As Bancroft explains in a catalogue essay, the little sketch is a three-part view. The middle features the view from Diebenkorn’s studio window: A couple of palm trees, a telephone pole, some houses and possibly fog. The top third of the painting is filled by the open transom window in his studio, the bottom-third by the window’s opaque lower panel. It’s easy to see where Diebenkorn took inspiration for at least some of the geometry that inspired the paintings that were to follow for the next two decades. (The catalogue includes a somewhat representational 1970 painting Diebenkorn made that seems to feature the same studio window.)

Still, however fascinating they are art historically, neither of these paintings are quite what we consider ‘classic’ Ocean Park paintings. They’re too divided, broken up into thirds, and are plainly transitional. While Diebenkorn’s move to Santa Monica created the same opportunity to re-invent his art that a new studio typically provided for him, the key transitional moment in Diebenkorn’s work seems to have come several years after he moved into Ocean Park. In 1970 the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation invited Diebenkorn to make art informed by massive engineering projects in Arizona known as water reclamation. Diebenkorn accepted the invitation and viewed the bureau’s earthworks, such as the Central Arizona Project Aqueduct, from both mesa-top and from helicopter. That experience directly led to Diebenkorn’s acrylic-on-paper series, Lower Colorado #1-#8 (1970). [Image: Diebenkorn, Ocean Park #27, 1970. Collection of the Brooklyn Museum.]

Five of these eight paintings were first exhibited in an art museum at the Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden in 2010. I wrote that they showed “Diebenkorn approaching the peak of his powers, mixing color in geometry in ways that would soon lead to the best of his Ocean Park paintings.” In her catalogue essay Bancroft agrees, and includes aerial photographs of the Central Arizona Project that approximate what Diebenkorn might have seen from the bureau’s helicopter.

These eight works on paper were a pivotal point in Diebenkorn’s career. Before the Bureau of Reclamation project, the Ocean Park paintings were often sometimes stilted rectangles in which disparate colored spaces were held at bay by wide swaths of white, a painter’s equivalent of a two-by-four. They were nice sections pushed together, but not quite completely resolved whole compositions. After the Reclamation pictures, the two-by-fours became longer, canvas-spanning, narrow pipes of white, or were eliminated altogether. Suddenly — with four paintings from 1970 the exhibition makes clear how quickly this change happened — the paintings came together as they had not before.

The only disappointment of Bancroft’s exceptional exhibition is that these eight Lower Colorado pieces are not included. Instead they’re relegated to a two-page spread in the catalogue. (Another highlight of the catalogue is Susan Landauer’s feisty essay, which suggests that there is much scholarship and study left to be done on Diebenkorn, his sources, and the context in which we might consider his art — and that Landauer believes that Jane Livingston, the curator of the last Diebenkorn retrospective and of the ongoing Diebenkorn catalogue raisonne project, got a lot wrong.)

The Bureau of Reclamation paintings, acrylic on paper with occasional collage, are important in another, slightly paradoxical way: They reveal how important landscape was to Diebenkorn and, well, how unimportant it was. (In general, landscape as a source of Diebenkorn’s art has often been overstated by historians.) Yes, landscape — particularly Reclamation’s man-altered landscape of the desert Southwest — was critical to the maturation of Diebenkorn’s Ocean Park work. In addition to how that trip seems to have helped Diebenkorn to smooth the composition of his paintings, it seems to have informed his palette: Before Reclamation his Ocean Park paintings were full of ruddy reds and a range of pastel tones. Afterward, his color took on greater brightness and intensity. Landscape informed, but it did not motivate. Diebenkorn seems to have carried what he saw in the desert Southwest with him into his Ocean Park studio, where he mixed it with other influences, including that transom window, his own masterful understanding of color, and his own study of Matisse, Cezanne, Hofmann, Bonnard and more. [Image: Diebenkorn, Lower Colorado #5, 1970. Collection of the U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Reclamation.]

And what a run it was: For 18 years, from 1970 until the end of the Ocean Park series in 1988 (when Diebenkorn moved to Healdsburg, Calif.) Diebenkorn made paintings, works on paper and prints that consistently reached the apex of 20th-century abstraction.

That’s not to say that Diebenkorn’s Ocean Park series is better than Jackson Pollock’s drips or Barnett Newman’s zips or Clyfford Still’s knifed canyons or Vija Celmins’s star-fields or spider webs. But ‘Ocean Park’ is the body of work that most absorbs and considers virtually every key innovation of 20th-century painting. Maybe a better way to put it is this: I can’t think of a series that is as informed by — and effectively sums up — 20th-century abstraction as fully as the Ocean Park series. And still the paintings never feel like they’re doing that — they’re Diebenkorns through and through. You’d never mistake them for the work of anyone else. In this last great burst of his life, Diebenkorn synthesized decades of painterly progress and then found a way to make it all his. [Image: Diebenkorn, Ocean Park #87, 1975.]

True, when it comes to examining the modernist project in painting Diebenkorn had an advantage: His Ocean Park production hit its stride nearer to Nixon than to the Third Republic, 65 years after fauvism and cubism began aggressively flattening space, 50 years after neoplasticism began carving up that flatness and 30 years after abstract expressionism first dominated art in both New York and San Francisco (where Diebenkorn himself was a leading protagonist in the 1940s). Another advantage: Diebenkorn’s commitment to California geographically isolated him from the way so many New York artists were chasing the newest dominant -ism in their bid to escape abex. Pop and New York minimalism had little-to-no impact on Diebenkorn. (In fact, it’s hard to think of a major American artist less impressed by pop.)

Instead of pursuing the present trend, Diebenkorn doubled-down on his examination of the previous 70 years of painting. In the Ocean Parks, as in cubism or fauvism, space is completely flat. Even when Diebenkorn paints a curving diagonal, there is no suggestion of depth or perspective, just line. The composition covers the entire field; Diebenkorn uses every last centimeter of canvas and expands the focal point to include the entire surface of the painting.

And Diebenkorn succeeds in areas where his fellow 20th-century titans failed, such as scalability. There are few Picassos that are both large and great. There are few, if any, small Pollacks as great as his big paintings, such as this giant, almost nine-by-eighteen-foot painting. It doesn’t matter how big or small Diebenkorn’s Ocean Parks are, they still shine. The little cigar-box-lid paintings, which Diebenkorn often gave to friends as gifts, max out at about eight inches square. The color, line, composition and intensity is as powerful at sixty-four square inches as it is in concurrent paintings, which clock in at 8,100 square inches. In the history of art, there are very few painters who made small as well as they made big. There’s Rembrandt, Raphael, Bonnard, Matisse, Diebenkorn — and not too many more.

This scale-up, scale-down was enabled by Diebenkorn’s mastery of composition. Part of the genius of the Ocean Parks is that with this series Diebenkorn hit upon a way to reduce painting to his two greatest strengths: color and composition, or line. Every Ocean Park, down to the smallest drawing, is architectonic. The carefully considered, erased, and re-painted horizontal, vertical and diagonal lines support the colors that sit on and over them. The colors seem to provide structure for, well, the structure. Architecture is a major interest of artists today, of sculptors such as Sarah Oppenheimer and of painters such as Julie Mehretu and Terry Winters. There’s no direct line between Diebenkorn and those artists — or to the artists of the southern California light-and-space movement, who were also interested in architecture — but one of the revelations of this exhibition is how much the construction of Diebenkorn’s late work is likely to have influenced the next generation of artists. [Image: Diebenkorn, Untitled, 1975.]

Certainly there’s no way to take them on directly, pictorially. These are remarkably finished paintings, declarative sentences and lack the sort of open-ends from which other artists most like to pick up. Walking through the MAMFW show I tried to find parts of canvases that were compositionally unresolved, where line broke down, where color was a bit off or a tick out of place. Couldn’t find it. Ultimately, I suspect that if Bancroft had chosen 30 different Ocean Park paintings, the exhibition would have been just as great. There may not be an imperfect post-1970 Ocean Park painting.

Which brings me to the final greatness of these paintings: They’re just astonishingly beautiful. Each Ocean Park artwork is clearly a part of a single, extended exploration, a project, but each stands on its own, too.

Weirdly, one of the triumphs of Bancroft’s exhibition is that by hanging so many Ocean Park works together we have the opportunity to discover how unalike they are: Some are dominated not by washy, foggy grounds, but by the color black, with only faint traces of color. Some are rich studies of blue and green slotted into geometries and compositions that are seem comfortable and easy, but whose pentimenti reveals them as hard-won. Others are dominated by burnt yellows and reds. Another by a not-quite-monochrome blue, broken up by thin diagonals that are mostly white, with perhaps a bit of yellow, and then a dominating just-as-thin line of red at the bottom of the canvas. Many are horizontal, especially from the late ’70s forward. There is even purple. (Purple? Purple.) [Image: Diebenkorn, Ocean Park #138, 1985.]

In the end, I do not know how to explain that for me Diebenkorn’s Ocean Park paintings are simply the most beautiful abstractions of the century. After all, “most beautiful” is a wincingly subjective determination.

Or is it? In a recent lecture at the Museum of Modern Art Fort Worth, Gretchen Diebenkorn Grant, the painter’s daughter, said that during the Ocean Park period her father was fascinated by the golden ratio, an irrational mathematical constant long believed to be aesthetically pleasing and she suggested that it informed his painting during the Ocean Park period. Maybe Richard Diebenkorn simply found the way to combine color with a storied, magic formula, and thus found a way to paint the greatest abstractions in modern art.

New Carleton Watkins book is mammoth

Carleton Watkins is well-known as a 19th-century photographer, but is little thought of as an important artist.  Major scholarly works on American art often skip all mention of him or consider him as a regional photographer. He’s regularly excluded from permanent collection installations, even at museums with deep Watkins holdings. There is no Watkins biography. (His friend and rival Eadweard Muybridge is the subject of at least four.)

But now both independent publishers and deep-pocketed institutions are providing us with a fuller measure of Watkins’ career, and in so doing are providing us with a better understanding of Watkins’ importance. First, collector and digital archivist Steve Heselton launched careletonwatkins.org, an indispensible online repository with JPEGs of nearly all of Watkins’ known stereoviews.  (The website also keeps a list of what it doesn’t have, even if what it doesn’t have may not exist.) It’s one of the best and easiest-to-use art history sites on the internet.

Now the Getty has published “Carleton Watkins: The Complete Mammoth Photographs,” an eight-and-a-half-pound, 608-page magnum opus of nearly all the 1,300 mammoth-plate pictures (defined as a photograph made with a camera that exposes collodion negatives about 18-by-22 inches in size) that Watkins made between 1858 and 1891. The majority of these pictures survive in only one print. (The book also includes dozens of pictures Watkins made with a slightly smaller-than-mammoth camera of his own design.)  Before now, only 300 Watkins mammoth plates had  been previously published. [Book cover image: Watkins, Agassiz Column and Yosemite Falls from Union Point, 1878-81. Collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum.]

“Watkins” was edited by former Getty photography curator Weston Naef and by San Francisco-based historian Christine Hult-Lewis. Other contributors include Getty research associate Michael Hargraves, Bancroft Library curator Jack von Euw and Huntington Library curator Jennifer A. Watts. In the 18 years since this project was first conceived in 1993, it was supported by an unusually long list of Getty administrators. Former Getty Museum director Michael Brand deserves special credit for supporting the project through a particularly challenging time at the Getty. [Image: Watkins, River View, Cathedral Rock, Yosemite, 1861. Collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum.]

“Watkins” is the rare piece of scholarship that takes a known figure — in the last decade Watkins has been the subject of a significant exhibition at the Getty and a major SFMOMA retrospective that traveled to the National Gallery of Art and the Metropolitan Museum of Art — and substantially alters our understanding of him. The result, especially when combined with the Heselton’s digital archive of Watkins stereographs, is a revelation: A strong argument that Watkins is more than a familiar photographer, he was the first great all-American artist. More on that in a minute.

The rise of Watkins through the ranks of American art is an unlikely story. While Watkins was born in the East — in Oneonta, New York in 1829 — he was little influenced by (and perhaps not even aware of) Eastern tastes for the sort of romantic, sometimes fantastical art being made by Thomas Cole and  the Hudson River School, or even Matthew Brady, who famously rearranged his Civil War battlefield pictures to imbue them with greater drama. Watkins stayed in New York just long enough for a boyhood friend named Collis Huntington to become an ambitious shopkeeper. When Huntington and his wife thought that they might strike it rich in California, where the Gold Rush was in full bloom, they apparently encouraged Watkins to travel with them. He did: The new publication reveals that Watkins was in Butte County, California by 1851. [Image: Watkins, Yosemite Valley from the "Best General View," 1866. Collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum.]

Watkins worked for Huntington in Sacramento before making an 1852 trip to Philadelphia and New York before returning to the West. It would be the only trip he took back East after he moved to California. Sometime in the mid-1850s, Watkins worked in a San Francisco gallery run by photographer Robert Vance and learned how to take pictures. By 1858 he was working on his own. It was a good move: An 1862 show at New York’s Goupil Gallery made his name in the East. Watkins was prolific through nearly 40 years of typically Californian booms and busts before deteriorating eyesight cost him his career in the mid-1890s. In 1906 the young Stanford University had agreed to acquire Watkins’ archive, but just before the school’s representatives were to arrive to pick up the material from Watkins’ San Francisco studio, the 1906 earthquake and fire hit and destroyed all of it. Watkins died in 1916, alone, in the Napa (Calif.) State Hospital for the Insane.

Watkins was not completely forgotten, but he was not substantially remembered, either. It was mostly due to the efforts of art historian Peter Palmquist and Naef that Watkins began his rise into photography history in the 1970s. Naef and future Getty Trust president Jim Wood organized  an important exhibition on landscape photography in the American West for the Metropolitan and the Albright-Knox in 1975, a show that pushed Watkins into the spotlight. Eight years later, Palmquist and Martha A. Sandweiss organized the first major Watkins retrospective for the Amon Carter Museum, an exhibit that broadened the then-prevailing view of Watkins as a mere landscape photographer. In 1984, the Getty Museum created a photography department and began to collect and exhibit Watkins aggressively, eventually setting the auction record for the artist. In 1999, SFMOMA curator Douglas Nickel’s Watkins retrospective, a show that was heavy on photographs of beautiful views of the American West, exactly the sort of images Naef had acquired for the Getty. The SFMOMA exhibition, three Getty exhibitions in the 1990s and 2000s and the Getty’s flood of Watkins acquisitions celebrated the artist as a photographer of unspoiled, beautiful Western views. [Image: Watkins, Devil's Slide, Weber Canyon, Utah Territory, 1873. Collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum.]

That’s a good thing; it’s an important part of why Watkins is great. For obvious reasons, those are the most-available pictures: Watkins and other publishers produced numerous copies because people bought them. Pictures of Mariposa Grove’s giant trees, of Yosemite Valley, of the California coast and of the rugged Oregon landscape reveal Watkins’ masterful compositional skills — few if any 19th-century American painters were his equal — and it was those works that finally established Watkins as the greatest American photographer of the pre-modern era. America had never seen anything like the pictures Watkins took of the new American landscape, the West, the land recently won in the Mexican-American War and toward which so many Easterners were flocking in search of land and riches.

But because so much more is given its first public viewing in “Watkins” — about 1,000 of these images have never been published before — the book is our fullest view to date of the artist and his accomplishment, and thus a landmark achievement that reveals Watkins as the first great all-American artist. [Image: Watkins, Consolidated Virginia and California Mining Company, Storey County, Nevada, 1876. Collection of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Via Calisphere.]

That doesn’t mean that there were not great artists in America before or contemporary to Watkins, just that they were Europe-trained (Gilbert Stuart, for example,  was schooled in Scotland and emerged as a skilled portrait painter in England before returning to what was becoming the United States) or were substantially informed by European art (Thomas Cole, Frederic Edwin Church). Watkins’s Gilded Age peers, even Westerners such as George Caleb Bingham, typically went to Europe to learn something to bring home. Watkins never traveled to Europe and while his remarkable sense of how to compose a picture must have come from somewhere (right?), he is not known to have seen an Old Master painting. Nor did Watkins seem to have made art informed by the Eastern painters he met out West: Naef, Wood and historian Elizabeth Lindquist-Cock have persuasively argued that Watkins didn’t take tricks from Hudson River or Western painters he knew personally, men such as Albert Bierstadt and Thomas Hill, but that they borrowed from him.

In Watkins’s time, and for at least a century thereafter, the American landscape was the great story of American Art. Landscape has been to American art what Christianity was to European art: Subject, motivator, and a source of wealth that both motivated and paid for art. Watkins’s most significant artistic contribution was to re-make the American landscape as a subject — and to do so in a way that would impact the field for over a century. [Image: Watkins, Mount Shasta from the North, Siskiyou County, ca. 1867. Collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum.]

Perhaps in part because he was mostly unaware of dominant Eastern art-making trend Watkins was uninterested in the dewy, often treacly fantasia that suffused 19th-century American painting. Instead, Watkins showed the landscape as it was: Grand and beautiful, but also as a resource that was tapped. Watkins didn’t just show us beautiful views from high places, he showed the land being consumed by prospectors, being blown up and blown through by the railroads, and he showed the natural landscape being replaced by San Francisco and by the sort of massive farms that first made southern California famous. He showed the lumber mills that decimated the Western forests and the mines that tunneled underneath the mountains and the smelters that broke down the found ore. He showed how the wealthiest Westerners, Watkins’s mates in San Francisco’s famed Bohemian Club, lived on their country estates.

Watkins established the Western landscape, the real Western landscape and not the manifest-destiny-driven (or Humboldtian) fantasy of it, as the grand American thing, as the subject with which American art would have to grapple. Watkins’s insistence on showing the land as it was — not just its beauty but also the land as it was used, even defiled by extraction-driven industries such as timber, mining and agriculture — pointed the way toward truth in American art. It was Watkins who pioneered the American realism that gave rise to the crusading honesty of Lewis Hine, Ben Shahn and Dorothea Lange, that led to the more nuanced revelations of the New Topographics photographers and the deadpan forwardness of Ed Ruscha. [Image: Watkins, Cape Horn near Celilo, Columbia River, Oregon, 1867. Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.]

Watkins’ example was so overpowering and so influenced America’s understanding of the Western landscape — his pictures were critical in helping establish Yosemite as the first national park — that straightforward representations of the West would never again suffice. (Exception that proves the rule: Ansel Adams, who revered Watkins’ work.) Most artists responded to Watkins’s West by moving away from naturalism: Painters such as Marsden Hartley, Georgia O’Keeffe and Clyfford Still had to find new ways of making the land a subject of their work. (Watkins’s West, birthplace of Jackson Pollock, Mark Rothko, Donald Judd and Still, would later be the font from which much post-war American art would come.)

The new Getty book opens with photographs Watkins took in northern California in the late 1850s, pictures that Watkins took not as art or as views to be sold, but as pictures intended to be used as evidence in a court of law. (In hindsight, given American artists’ love of landscape and its role in our art, it seems fitting that Watkins got his start as a photographer of commercial real estate.) Watkins turned out to be very good at taking pictures that helped establish property lines where his commissioner wanted them to be. It would be easy to call these early pictures artless and evidentiary, but even in these early pictures you can see Watkins learning how to frame the landscape, to use diagonals, rocks and ridgelines as compositional elements. By the time he’s photographing smelting works in the mining town of New Almaden in the early 1860s, he’s making even dirty industry look pretty good. [Image: Watkins, Rock Bluffs, Columbia River, Oregon, ca. 1883. Collection of the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. Via Calisphere.]

Watkins quickly moved on toward landscape photography, in particular to Yosemite, where he took pictures that made his name in New York and in California, and where he emerged as a great artist. (It was these pictures, displayed at Goupil Gallery, that motivated Eastern painters such as Bierstadt to seek out a then-little-known Californian.) Watkins’s signature technique was implying scale by placing dramatic objects — trees, rocks – in the foreground of his pictures, objects that would print darker than the massive mountains or other landscape elements in the background.

The book also includes Watkins’s pictures of San Francisco, where he and Muybridge competed for artistic supremacy, and up the Pacific Coast, through redwood country, into Oregon, Washington and British Columbia. One of the book’s highlights is its presentation of Watkins’s California missions project, which Watts describes as “one of the earliest surviving examples of a large-format narrative series devoted to a single subject.” It’s these pictures that make clear Watkins’s versatility: He could have photographed the missions as big, beautiful monuments, the way he photographed the giant redwoods of the Pacific northwest. Instead he emphasized their loneliness in the harsh, empty, often desert landscape. The missions pictures establish Watkins as a pioneer of the photographic series, a particularly American genre that has been explored by Robert Frank, Nan Goldin, Catherine Opie, Garry Winogrand, Lee Friedlander and dozens more. [Image: Watkins, Mission San Carlos Borromeo de Carmelo, Monterey County, 1876-78. Collection of The Huntington Library, Art Collections, and Botanical Gardens.]

Later Watkins traveled south and took pictures of the massive agricultural estates that were beginning to transform the Southland, as well as of the oil derricks that would also transform the area and its economy. The book concludes with a chapter the presents 35 years worth of Watkins’s mining pictures and a chapter of delightfully random images, such as actor Frank Mayo posing as Davy Crockett.

At $195, “Watkins” is understandably priced for institutions and specialists. For art lovers seeking a better understanding of the West and our nation’s art, I can’t imagine a better value.

Nota bene: Check back tomorrow for part two of MAN’s post on trees. It will feature Robert Adams and Watkins.

MAN’s 2011 books list

I wouldn’t say that 2011 was a particularly great year for art-related books. The most-publicized book of the year comes off as more than a bit contrived and other biographies of artists were few. If there was a crossover art-book-hit, I can’t think of it.

Fortunately, there was still a strong crop of scholarship related to museum exhibitions, several stellar examples of which are here on MAN’s 2011 books list. Still, truth told, if it wasn’t for the Getty-funded Pacific Standard Time series of exhibitions, 2011 would have gone down as one of the thinnest years in recent memory for smart, readable art books. Some of the highlights:

The book of the year: We knew Carleton Watkins took lovely pictures. But the full range of Carleton Watkins’ ambition and achievement only became clear this year when the J. Paul Getty Museum published the 608-page, nearly nine-pound, Weston Naef and Christine Hult-Lewis-edited “Carleton Watkins: The Complete Mammoth Plate Photographs.” I’ll have a review on MAN soon, but for now: This is the book that firmly establishes Watkins as the first great all-American artist. Nearly every page contains a wow.

Pacific Standard Time, the uber-book: “Pacific Standard Time: Los Angeles Art 1945-1980″ tells the story of art in the Southland from World War II until Reagan. That sounds dry, but this five-author/editor tome is anything but. It’s full of detail and connect-the-dots tidbits (and images!), so much so that even the most geographically erudite art lover will realize how little of the full story of post-war American art they really knew.

Another Caravaggio biography: By the time I’m lining up for early-bird dinners at the Ristorante di Retiro, there may be more Caravaggio biographies than there are extant Caravaggio paintings. In the last decade or two Helen Langdon, Peter Robb, Francine Prose, Desmond Seward and others have all taken swings at weaving Caravaggio’s life out of thin strands.  The latest is by Andrew Graham-Dixon, and it’s a corker. Now, if only someone would get started on artists who haven’t been well-biographized but should be, a list including Klimt, Ernst, Bonnard, Manet, Miro, Braque, Degas, Monet, Beckmann, Judd, Watkins and plenty of others? (Alternate phrasing: Who wants to give me a grant…)

Phenomenal: As I’ll discuss in a review on MAN soon, “Phenomenal: California Light, Space, Surface,” the Museum of Contemporary Art San Diego’s indispensable light-and-space survey show, is a visual thrill that may leave visitors wanting to to understand more of the back story. This book picks up where the galleries leave off, providing an exhibition + scholarship tag-team that both fills in the blanks and points toward future scholarship. Oh: It’s also pretty.

John Marin times two: On this week’s Modern Art Notes Podcast, I asked leading American modernism historian Debra Bricker Balken why 2011 was such a big year for Marin. In addition to Balken’s show, organized by the Portland (Maine) Museum of Art and the Addison Gallery and currently on view at the Amon Carter Museum of American Art, the Art Institute of Chicago launched a significant exhibition of its Marins and published “John Marin’s Watercolors: A Medium for Modernism.” The book, a presentation of the AIC’s incredible trove of Marins, isn’t just beautiful, it’s both a page-turner and the best Marin publication in at least a decade.

Completing the de Kooning troika: The publication of the catalogue for John Elderfield’s de Kooning retrospective completes a trifecta of de Kooning books that any lover of modern and contemporary art should own. The other two excellent recent de Kooning books are Mark Stevens and Annalyn Swan’s biography and Susan F. Lake’s unusually gripping conservation study of several dozen key de Koonings.

Thinking about art like… journalists?: In her important new book “Since ‘45,” Katy Siegel suggests that art history has become a bubble-bound discipline and argues that we should be considering art less in the timeline-driven context of other art, and more in the context of larger political and social movements. She’s right — and her book may make you feel like you’ve been looking at trees while missing the forest.

Diebenkorn’s Ocean Park series: Richard Diebenkorn is the subject of strong exhibition catalogues compiled by Gerald Nordland and Jane Livingston, so Sarah C. Bancroft & Co. had some work to do to measure up — and did they ever. A beautiful, important contribution that goes beyond the exhibition to include key related material, such as these landmark works on paper.

Art and advocacy: “The Air We Breathe: Artists and Poets Reflect on Marriage Equality” is the ballsiest museum publication of 2011. Kudos to SFMOMA curator Apsara DiQuinzio, the David Tieger Foundation and to SFMOMA for putting art and artists in a context that demonstrates their engagement with our society’s major debates. The hardcover book itself is beautifully made and presented and the included essays will further your understanding of the marriage equality conversation. At just $13, you’ll want to give this one as a Christmas present — but be sure to get one for yourself.

The best book we haven’t seen (yet?): Curator Anne Umland’s “Picasso: Guitars, 1912-14″  at the Museum of Modern Art was one of 2011’s smartest, richest exhibitions. Alas, MoMA has yet to produce a related scholarly publication, though it has nebulously promised some kind of as-yet-undefined digital e-publication. I’m hoping for a project update soon.